According to 1985 UN report, women who constitute half of the world’s population, still perform nearly two-thirds of all work hours but receive only one-tenth of the world income. In most countries, women face substantial salary discrimination is disadvantaged in access to educational opportunities and remain in sex-segregated occupations to a considerable extent. They own less than 1% of world properly and hold only 6% of government office (Iglitzin and Ross, 1986). Now-a-days women’s are including their sells in many developmental activities. In Bangladesh since 1991, the Prime Minister has continuously been a woman. The proportion of administrative and managerial positions held by women has increased from 1% to 2% between the mid 1980s and mid 1990s; however, in spite of this increase the number of women in still very low. In Bangladesh women have recently been linked to the global economy. Large numbers of women are working in the industrial sectors of garments, testily, pharmaceutical, electronics and chemicals. They are also employed in the agricultural sector, like shrimp and tea plantation. Since the 1980s an export based garment industry has mushroomed in Bangladesh. The most notable feature of this industry is its heavy use of women workers. At present, the garment factories in Bangladesh alone absorb 1.5 million workers of which 90% are women constituting almost 70% of the total employment in manufacturing sector, (BGMEA, 2003). The garments industry alone absorbed nearly one-fifth of the women employed in the manufacturing sector, two-thirds of those employed in medium and large scale enterprises (Zohur and Majumdar, 1996 in Afsar, 2000). The female share of the labor force in the export processing Zones is almost 72% although the women are involves the in many kind of professional activities many of the times they faced various kinds of problems. And that’s why women have very insignificant participation in professional activities.

 

 

No society can develop morally, socially, culturally and economically without the participation of women. That’s why Article 29 of the Bangladesh constitution focused that the man and women are equal by race, religion, gender. But gender discrimination and sexual harassment in the working environment are the two major problems that every professional activities women face in Bangladesh and women’s are lag behind in participation in job. Not only Bangladesh but also in the whole world women’s are being faced by different obstacles in doing job though half of the total population of world are women. We want to find out the obstacles which are faced by the women who are working with different profession in job and also want to find out the suggestion that help them. But in practical since really women’s are given their facilities.

 

 

One important step in a research is the selection of field of that research. Because, without select a field the research is impossible. For ensuring the reliability in our research “Women’s participation in professional activities: The nature of obstacles” we included the following field in our research-

 

• Banking sector

• NGO sector 

• Labor market sector 

• Medical Sector 

• Law and justice sector 

• Cottage and silk industries 

• Local administration sector 

 

 

Research is a systematic process of searching knowledge. And every research has some specific objectives and goals. In this research we want to see the following things-

 

• What type of problems are faced women’s in professional activities. 

• To know the step of government to reduce those problem that women are faced in work place. 

• To know whether the right of women is given in work place. 

• To increase the women’s participation in work, which proposed factor’s may be effective. 

 

 

Hypothesis is a powerful tools for the advancement of knowledge. It brings clarity, specificity and focus to a research problem.

Hypothesis-01: The participation of women in professional activities is comparatively weak.

Hypothesis-02: The governmental problem in policy making to increase the participation of women in professional activities.

 

 

At present women’s participation in political, social and economical activity is increasing but it is too less to compare with globally as well as nationally. Participation of women is necessary for expanding economic activity and entire development mobility of society. There is no alternative of women’s participation to remove discrimination, increasing decision making power empowering women in society. Women’s participation in professional activities increases before than past. In professional activities women’s are facing various obstacles moreover. They are not supported by their men’s colleague misbehave of their higher officer, uncertainty of pregnancy period, lack of taking government policy etc. problems are faced by women. This factors play an important role for conducting this research. The main significance of this rise is to indicate the problem faced by the women at the workplace and to survive the women at this profession solving this problem and to analyzed different aspects of government cooperation in this section.

 

 

An image, perception or concept that is capable of measurement-hence capable of taking on different values-is called variable. There are two types of variables. These are-

 

• Dependent variable and 

• Independent variable 

 

Dependent Variable: The variable that is used to describe or measure the problem  under study is called dependent variable (Islam, 2009).

 

Independent Variable: The variable that is used to describe or measure the factor that is assumed to cause or at least to influence the problem is called independent variable (Ibid).

 

In our research, dependent variable includes the professional activities of women’s and independent variable includes the professional environment, career development opportunity, participation in decision making.

 

 

Research methodology is a way to study the various steps that are systematically along with the logic assumptions and rational behind them (Ibid). Methodology of research is two types-

 

Qualitative Research: Qualitative research is a field of enquiry that crosscuts discipline and subject matters (Ibid).

 

Quantitative Research: Quantitative research is the systematic investigation of quantitative properties and phenomena and their interrelationships (Ibid).

 

Our research based on survey method and not finding any statistics or quantitative result. So it can be called a qualitative research.

 

 

We are used survey method strategy in this research for focusing the women’s participation and problems in professional activities. Because the social survey is a co-operative undertaking that applies research techniques to the study and diagnosis of a current social problem situation or population within definite geographical limits and bearings usually with a concern for formulation of a constructive programme of social reform and amelioration.

 

 

Data is the raw materials for research. There are two sources of data in any research. These are given below-

• Primary source of data and 

• Secondary source of data

 

Primary data was the main source of our research which was based on questionnaire. But we used secondary data (Paper, Books, and Internet etc.) for our research more reliable.

 

 

In this research we are used women who are involve in the following professions-

 

• Teaching profession 

• Banker 

• Magistrate 

• Cottage and silk industries worker 

• NGO personnel 

• Doctor

• Laborer 

• Member of Union Parishad

 

 

A sample is a representative part of a population that exhibits relevant characteristics of the population (Ibid).

 

The various sampling strategies can be categorized as follows-

• Random sampling

• Non-random sampling

• Mixed sampling.

 

We are selected informer randomly in various professions.

 

 

In this research we were select 23 women whose are involve in professional activities.

 

Professions Selected Member

Teaching profession 5

Banker 3

Magistrate 1

Cottage and silk industry’s worker 2

NGO personnel 4

Doctor 3

Laborer 2

Local administration 3

 

 

Ethics are norms or codes of behaviour that guide moral choices about our behaviour and our relationships with others. The goal of ethics in research is to ensure that no one is harmed or suffers adverse consequences from research activities. Because integrity in research is vital, ethical consideration should be given prime importance when preparing research designs. (Cooper and schindler 1995). So, in our research we are try to stay in ethics consideration.

 

 

The women are far below from the male in the socio-economic perspective of B.D. The reasons for this scenario are male dominated social structure, values revealing over the century and discrimination. The women has never been evaluated as a proper labor force because the household activities are not reflected in the national production. Though there are these constraints, the women are being evaluated as a labor force, through the rate slow. The women are entered gradually in the development sectors of the society. The participation of women in economic production today, is not so less. The women labor force in agriculture in 1985-86 was 17.5 million and in 1989 this increase into 37 million. If we evaluate the participation of women in agriculture, fisheries, livestock the rate of womens participation in 85,57%. The women labor in being increased in the industry also. The womens contribution in small industry, cottage industry are significantly mentionable. In Garments industry, the 70% of total labor force in women. The are involved in food, drinks, garment, tannery, woody product, tobacco, telephone industry, software. Moreover the women are also involved in construction activities (Mahtab, Nazmunnesa;Women in Bangladesh).

 

Though the inclusion of women in the formal sector is so recent, they have proved their capacity and quality in every sector. But their presence in law making in so marginal through the women have given 10% quota in the class 1 gazette officer this are not being reflected properly.

 

The inclusion of women in administration in also so recent and they are performing their duties efficiently. It is not only desirable but also inevitable to include the women to in productive sector with due consideration to evaluate there contribution.

 

The performance of women are not being appraised till today in those families where the women are head. Specially, the divorced, widow and migrated women play the role of head of family. They are also unsecured here with evaluation; their security should be strengthened in the education, professions.

 

Labor Force Statistics (L.F.S)

Criteria L.F.S 

1985-86 L.F.S

1989 L.F.S

1990

 

1. Total Non-Civilian Labor Force (million) 

Male 27.7 29.7 31.1

Female 3.2 21.0 20.0

Total 30.9 50.7 51.2

 

2. Active Non-Civilian Labor Force (million)

Male 27.4 29.4 30.5

Female 3.1 20.7 19.7

Total 30.5 50.1 50.2

 

3. Unemployed Population (million) 

Male 0.3 0.4 0.6

Female 0.1 0.2 0.4

Total 0.4 0.6 1.0

 

4. Others Labor Force

Household activities 25.0 20.1 21.2

Other (inactive) 13.4 - -

Child (0-9 years) 31.4 37.3 36.0

 

5. Unpaid Labor Rate (%)

Male 53.6 53.1 55.8

Female 6.4 40.2 38.2

Total 30.3 46.9 47.2

 

6. Labor force participation

Male 81.4 81.0 82.7

Female 9.9 61.6 57.8

Total 45.6 71.6 70.7

 

7. Unemployment Rate

Male 0.8 1.3 1.9

Female 3.2 1.1 1.9

Total 1.1 1.2 1.9

 

8. Women Labor force (million) 3.2 21.0 20.1

 

Source: Statistical Pocket Book of Bangladesh, 1993 B.B.S

 

 

Equality and non-discrimination between the men and women are among the primary considerations guiding the enforcement and enjoyment of human rights. Every citizen in Bangladesh is governed not only by the general law of the land which is secular but also by his or her personal law, which depends on the religion of the community to which he or she belongs. Although the norm of non-discrimination between the sexes is firmly entrenched in the Bangladesh constitution, the principle is often severely curtailed in respect of women's rights determined by the personal laws, that is, rights to marriage, divorce, maintenance, custody and guardianship of the children, inheritance and so on. The major groups involved here are Muslims, Hindus and Christians, non-tribal Buddhists ranking as Hindus for the purpose of the courts.

 

Laws related to women's status: The laws that spelled out the position of v omen may be divided into two parts—

A) Personal laws 

B) General laws

 

A. Personal laws: The term personal law covers matters relating to—

 

 

Under Muslim law a marriage is a contract between two consenting individuals officiated before witnesses. Hindu law, marriage is regarded as gift of the wife by her parents to the husband.

 

a. Muslim law: Under the Shariah law, a girl can not give herself in marriage untill she attain puberty. The child Marriage Restraint Act-1929 has delineated that age limit into 18 years for girls and 21 years for boys. Muslim law also permits the elders of the family to fix marriage union between young people who are often little more than toddlers. Until the age of puberty, a minor (boy or girl) may be given marriage by his or her guardian and the girl can repudiate the marriage either on the attaining of 16 years or puberty where she was married before puberty.

Besides a Muslim man can marry polyagamously and it is limited to four at a time (Islam, 2008).

 

b. Hindu law: In Hindu law, the brides consent to the marriage is irrelevant, child marriage are not only valid but by custom desirable. Here, the girl has no option on reaching puberty to renounce the marriage (Ibid).

 

 

a. Muslim law: The husband has the right of unilateral divorce, for no cause at all. The wife has no such right. Here, the husband can divorce literally and it will be effective after uttering the word for divorce for three times (Ibid).

 

On the other hand, the wife's rights to divorce is conditional. Such as—

 

If the husband become very ill or be remain abroad for three or more years he is unable to give the maintenance of the wife or she has the right to seek dissolution of marriage to the court.

 

Hence, the wife may divorce her husband either by obtaining a judicial decree under the dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act-1939 or by exercising the right of talak-e-Tafwid, that is, where the authority to divorce is delegated to the wife by the husband in the marriage contract.

 

b. Hindu law: There is no provision for divorce in Hindu law (Ibid).

 

c. Christian law: To divorce one must seek the dissolution of marriage before courts and here both husband and wife has equally authorized (Ibid).

 

A Christian man can divorce his wife making a accusation of unchastely against wife and he is not to probe it. But in the same, the wife is to probe here acquisition.

 

 

I Muslim law: when the couple is separated due to divorce or otherwise, a nother under this law is entitled to the custody of the child until, if a girl, jhe reaches puberty and if a boy, he reaches the age of 7 years.

 

Suit the mother is not natural guardian; the father alone, or, if he dead, his executor is the legal guardian.

 

Hindu law: Under Hindu law, the father is always the preferred guardian of is children, even of his infant children. A mother has rights but there are -Jerior to a father's and arise after his right. [Gaur; the Hindu Code, P-281]

 

Christian law: In case of divorce, the guardianship, custody and Maintenance of the minors is subjected to be determined by the court (Islam, 2008).

 

 

Muslim law: The maintenance of the wife may be divided into two parts i) Past maintenance ii) Maintenance after divorce (Ibid).

 

Maintenance during iddat: It is obligatory on the part of a husband to maintain his wife during iddat. A women observes iddat in two-.umstances— after dissolution of marriage After the death of her husband case of the death of husband, the wife has no right to maintenance. But a reed wife must be paid maintenance according to the husbands means (Ibid).

 

 

Under the Muslim law, a woman will get half of a man from inherited property. The general laws of the country reeognizes the religious laws regarding inheritance.

 

Our constitution on gender equality: The constitution of a state in the pre¬eminent source of fundamental rights of it's citizens. The framers of the Bangladesh constitution made a genuine effort to uphold the spirit of independence of movement and ensure equality of citizens before the law. In Art-27 it stated that all citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection before law. It guaranteed equal rights and non-discrimination between man and woman through Art. 28, 29, 66 and 122. Art. 28 stipulates that the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on ground only of religion, race, sex or place of birth. Art. 29 states that, "No citizen on the ground of.....sex......be ineligible for or discriminated against in respect of

any employment or office in service of the republic. Art. 66 and 122 accord equal right to men and women to contest in representative bodies and the right to vote.

 

Commitment to International Instruments: In 1984, the Government of Bangladesh signed the CEDAW while ratifying, the GOB placed reservation i on Article 2, 13(a), 16(l)(c) and (f) of the convention. The articles were throughout to be in contradiction to the Sharia law, derived from the Quran and Sunnah.

 

On 17 July 1997, the government of Bangladesh announced to withdraw reservations from Art. 13(a) and 16(i)(f).

 

In our discussion, it was clear that the constitution on Bangladesh and the civil and criminal laws of the country correspond win the principle of equality before laws, particularly with the gender equality Besides, these laws don't contradict with religious laws in most cases, some cases, some discriminatory religious laws have been abandoned on ground that their implementation may jeopardizes the very principle d equality before law. Some feminist groups condition the Sharia law c inheritance as discriminatory.

 

 

The 1992 population estimates put the population of Bangladesh at 112 million of which 49 percent, that is 54.88 million, were women (Table 1). This male bias was a result of the lower life expectancy of women (55.9 years compared to 56.8 years for men) which is con¬trary to almost all other countries in the world (BBS 1994). Reasons contributing to this imbalance include lower food intake (men re¬ceive 94 percent of the minimum caloric requirement compared to women who receive only 78 percent), the gap between males and females increasing with age (Table 2); higher mortality rates for the girl child (14.8 for girls compared to 13.6 for boys per 1000 chil¬dren); and high maternal mortality of 6.50 per 100 live births compared to 4.20 for all developing countries and 2.90 for world average. This is not surprising in view of the fact that only 40 per cent of pregnant women in Bangladesh receive prenatal care, more than half are academic, and only 7 percent of births are attended by health personnel (UNDP 1994)

 

Table 1: Population and Demographic Data 1991.

Indicator Total Male Female

Population (million) 112.00 57.12 54.88

Life expectancy (years) 55.40 56.40 55.40

Infant mortality rate per 1000 live births 94.00 98.00 91.00

Child (1-4 years) mortality rate per 1000 children 14.20 13.60 14.80

Maternal mortality rate per 100 - - 6.50

Fertility Rate - - 4.33

Mean age at marriage (year; - 25.10 18.00

Population widowed/divorced (%) - 0.80 8.20

Calorie intake as % of minimum requirement 86.00 94.00 78.00

 

Source :  BBS 1991. BBS 1985. BIDS 1992

 

Table 2: Interfamily Distribution of Food in Rural Areas (daily intake in gms/person).

                                                                    Food in gms/person

Age group in years Male Female

1-3 259.4 263.4

4-6 527.2 485.3

7-9 604.0 542.5

10-12 656.3 614.2

13-15 797.8 701.3

16-19 819.2 756.3

20-39 927.7 775.4

40-49 965.8 693.9

50-59 903.4 640.8

60-69 900.4 705.4

70 and above 721.4 590.2

 

Source: BIDS 1992. 

 

Most of the causes for the imbalance are entrenched in social and cultural practices of gender discrimination, many aspects of such discrimination increasing with the level of poverty of the households. Giving preferential treatment to the boy child negates the ad¬vantage the girl infant has at the time of birth (the infant mortality rate for girl infants is 86 per 1000 live births compared to 90 for boy infants). The low age at marriage (17 years) and at first childbirth (18 years) of girls who, because of lack of nutrition, have lower growth rates than boys lead to pre and postnatal complications; fre¬quent pregnancies within short intervals; and the practice of not re¬porting illnesses of the women of the household until the problem reaches serious proportions (UBINIG 1989) all contribute to the dis¬advantageous position of women.

 

 

To the outside world it maybe quite a surprise that a developing country like Bangladesh has two women in the highest positions of power—the Prime Minister and the Leader of the opposition. This seems to imply that women are extremely prominent in national politics. The fact is that the Prime Minister and Opposition Leader are exceptions and that their position does in no way indicate active participation of women in politics, rather it only symbolizes the trend of family inheritance in the politics of Bangladesh.

 

 

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh in its fundamental principle of state policy guarantees fundamental freedom and human rights of all citizens without any distinction. Corresponding to that, the Constitution ensures equal participation of women in all spheres of national life and equal right of women with men in all spheres of state and public life.

 

In Article 9, the Constitution has guaranteed special representation of women in local government bodies. At the same time, the Constitution has the provision of reserved seats to ensure women representation in these institutions.

 

The Constitution also ensures equality of opportunity to all citizens, and declares that all citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law irrespective of religion, race. Caste, sex or place of birth. Artidle 28(4) advances the rationale of affirmative action for the equal protection and advancement of women. The constitution also affirms, the equality of opportunity in public employment.

 

 

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (herein after CEDAW I was adopted by the General Assembly in December 18 1979. which came into force on September 3 1981. CEDAW is the international instrument providing the ethical and legal basis for protection and promotion of human rights of women as guaranteed under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) adopted by the United Nations on December 10 1948. The human rights norms and standards embodied in CEDAW provide the international framework for non-discrimination and gender equality.

 

CEDAW has 30 operative articles of which 16 substantive articles (Article 1-16) identify specific areas of discrimination and provide an agenda for national action to end such discrimination. Articles 17-22 deal with formulation and procedural matters and articles 23-30 deal with administrative matters.

 

The government of Bangladesh has ratified major international human rights instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which obligate the government to remove all forms of discriminations against women and ensure participation of women, on equal terms with men in the political, social, economic and cultural life of their country. Therefore, the government has taken legal and procedural steps to involve women in local level activities including local government bodies.

 

However, the government has reservations about some provisions of CEDAW relating to family benefits and guardianship of children as contained in Article 13(A) and Article 16(1)(b) of the Convention. Article 13(a) gives the women the right to family benefits and Article 16(1)(b) ensures equal right of men and women with regard to guardianship, worship, trusteeship and adoption of children.

 

 

Women in Bangladesh in general do not even earn incomes, They are educationally backward; and socio-cultural factors militate against their participation in active politics. The male dominated society discourages women's involvement in activities outside of their homes. Their assigned primary role is child bearing and rearing and home making. Therefore, till their children are grown up, they find it difficult, if not impossible, to devote themselves to other activities that make substantial demand on their time.

 

Like most other third world countries in the South which are tangled in a web of autocratic, corrupt, fanatically religious or military regimes, Bangladesh has managed time and again to side track women's rights issues by reverting to various excuses such as 'religion', 'tradition', 'political stability' etc. The notion that 'women's liberation' is a western concept also sparked a deliberate movement by religious fanatics who thought it was a fantastic political issue. These fanatic parties began issuing a distorted version of what they saw as 'women's rights', combining views of religion with custom and backward politics.

 

However, in recent years, women have been making some progress towards overcoming the obstacles. Female education in the country has been improving; and women are also in larger numbers, joining income earning pursuits, particularly in teaching, readymade garments industry, and micro enterprises. The government has taken various measures to upgrade women's status in Bangladesh. It is realized that without contribution from half of the population, nation building and economic upliftment cannot be achieved.

 

 

In Bangladesh, women constitute about half of the total population of 145 million people and about 80 percent of the population lives in the rural areas. If we rearrange the statement it means women constitute about half of the total voters.

 

One of the greatest constraints to participation of women in politics in Bangladesh is the misinterpretation of religious principles and 'fatwas' by the so-called religious leaders, most of whom are ignorant about Principles of Islam. The traditional attitude of the male dominated society and the patriarchal social norms hinders women's access to leadership on the ground that Islam does not recognize leadership by women.

 

The traditional invisibility and domesticity of women is reflected impolitics and administration of the Government. In pre-liberation Bangladesh, women had no role in the political decision-making of the political parties and the situation has no: changed much. The representation of women in party caucus in

 

Bangladesh is insignificant and largely ornamental. The political parties do not normally nominate female candidates. A few women have been elected parliament members, but they are generally from families with political background and/or from higher income groups. Women, thus, remain backward in politics for lack of finance, low literacy, social barriers, and lack of interest on the part of political parties to nominate women candidates.

 

Table 3: Women Members in the Committees of Major Political Parties

 

Political Parties Committees Total Female Percentage

MembersMembers

Bangladesh Presidium & Secretariat 36 5 13.89

Awami League Executive Committee 64 5 7.81

(AL)

Bangladesh National Permanent 14 1 7.14

Nationalist Partv Committee 164 11 6.70

(BNP)National Executive

Committee

Jatiya Party National Permanent 31 2 6.45

Committee20162.98

National Executive

Committee

Jamat-e-Islami Maj!ish-e-Shura 200 20 10.00

Bangladesh Majlish-e-Amla 24 0 0.00

 

Source: Star Weekend Magazine. Vol. 5 Issue 356 August 1 2003; Mahmuda Islam. "Women Look Forward." in Mohiuddin Ahmad, ed., Bangladesh in the New Millennium (Dhaka: Community Development Library, 2000).

 

Besides, in Bangladesh, one requires huge amounts of money to participate in politics, especially electoral politics. Therefore, only people with access to adequate financial resources can enter the political arena. As regards the two largest political parties of Bangladesh, the Awami League (AL) has 5 women members in the 36-member Presidium and Secretariat while the Bangladesh Nationalists Party (BNP) has one member in the National Permanent Committee of 14 members.

 

In the last parliament election of 2001, against 300 general seats for direct election, only 37 womin contested and out them AL and BNP nominated 10 and 4 women respectively. Women therefore have very nominal existence in the political parties.

 

Although some of the political parties and alliances have identified a few women's issues in their election manifestos during the 1991, 1996, and 2001 elections, none of the political parties gave any importance to the amendment of Article 65(3) of the Constitution or discussed the necessity of direct election for women in the reserved seats and exclusive constituencies (as opposed to overlapping constituencies with male Members). Again, none of the parties discussed matters relating to discrimination and in cases of denial of rights to women in marriage, divorce, and inheritance laws of Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Tribal women in Bangladesh.

 

 

• With regard to public life, women remain under-represented in international and national decision and policy making bodies. Politically, in many countries adult women have not yet achieved the right to vote.

 

• Only 74 women have ever Hren elected heads of '-rate, although the 10 women heads of state who were in office at the end of 1994 were the highest in history.

 

• Women are under-represented in national decision-making bodies, including legislative and economic bodies, and those agencies responsible for law and justice. 

 

• Women hold 10.5% of the seats in the world’s Parliaments.

 

• Article 8 of UN Charter provides that no restriction shall be placed on the eligibility of both men and women to participate “under conditions of equality in its principal and subsidiary organs.” However, there has never been a woman Secretary-General and only after some concerted effort do women now occupy a third of professional-category posts within the Secretariat. 

 

• Out of 50 Presidents of the General Assembly since 1945 only two have been women; out of 89 executive heads of various organizations within the United Nations system there are not women. 

 

• Of the 185 highest ranking diplomats to the United Nations, only seven are women. 

 

• Recently there have been more women heads of major UN programmes than ever before, that is, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the head of UNICEF, UNFPA, WFP and the UNEP. These are, however, the “soft” programmes of the international arena, comparable to such areas as education, childcare and family planning and population programmes in the domestic governments. 

 

• Women still do not occupy senior positions in the “hard” areas of international peace and security, peace-keeping and disarmament, and in programmes for trade of investment or economic development. (Hurrell & Woods, 1997). 

 

 

The participation of women in political decision-making and administration remains very slim. Currently very few Bangladeshi women can be found in positions of political leadership in both central and local government structures, and even in the administrative hierarchy. As a result of this lack of opportunities to intervene at the policy and decision making level, women have a minimal impact in the planning, management and implementation of policies. One needs only to look at the few number of women holding senior positions in the top echelons of bureaucracy to have an example of their serious lack of representation.

 

Since 1982, women have been regularly appearing at the Bangladesh Civil Service Examinations and getting recruited an all the 29 Cadre Services. However, the position of women vis-a-vis men in terms of number is still insignificant. The number of women holding Class I positions in ministries/divisions, departments/directorates and autonomous bodies / corporations is only 5.066 compared to 73,619 men. 

 

Tins means that only 6.44% women are occupying Class I positions compared to 93.56% men.

 

The situation of women in 29 cadre services is by no means satisfactory. Except for two cadres, i.e. BCS General Education and Health representation of women is very poor, because until the 1980s, women tended to join government send ice either in the education or health sectors. It was not until the last decade that women began to join the other cadres in the Bangladesh Civil Service. Women's representation at the higher levels of the civil service, i.e. Secretary, Additional Secretary, Joint Secretary and Deputy Secretary are almost negligible. (Table-4).

 

Table 4: Representation of Women at Different Levels in the Administration 

 

Position Male Female 

Secretary 53 0

Additional Secretary 59 0

Joint Secretary 257 2

Deputy Secretary 658 8

Assistant Secretary 594 23

 

Source: Ministry Of Establishment, (1998), 2002

 

 

The Constitution of Awami League stresses on the fundamental human rights as basic principles irrespective of religion, race, sex or caste. As an extension of this principle, the Awami League manifesto ensures women's equal rights and opportunities in all spheres of state and public life in line with the Bangladesh Constitution. The party adopted the UN Convention (CEDAW) with a few reservations and a National Policy on Women in Development while in power in 1996-2001.

 

BNP's Constitution on the other hand shows that BNP stresses the integration of women in development and gives priority to income generating programs for women to make them self-reliant. This party also has a positive view on the implementation of the UN Convention (CEDAW), with a few reservations regarding inheritance, guardianship, marriage and divorce.

 

Jatiya Party (JP) Constitution and Manifestos ensure equal rights and opportunities for women. It provided for taking various socio-economic programs to raise the economic status of women. JP also ratified the CEDAW with a few reservations.

 

Jamaat-e-Islami's Manifestos does not say anything specifically on the equal number of women in the party or empowerment of women in the national politics. The party manifesto states that to guarantee the status of women granted by Islam and to bring an end to the exploitation of women steps should be taken which include education, ending violence, and ensuring the rights of women according to the Principles of Islam.

 

Islamic of the parties, however, in their manifestos or Constitution has given any special focus on the empowerment of women or on any special measure that the parties give an equal number of nominations to women candidates in the general, election.

 

 

In 1948, after the birth of Pakistan, Begum Jahanara Shahnewaz and Begum Saista Ekramullah were the two women representatives in the National Assembly of Pakistan. Later, in 1954, eleven women were elected members of the National Assembly from the Jukta Front. In the first parliament election of 1973 in independent Bangladesh only two political parties- (National Awami Party (Muzaffar) and Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal) gave nomination to two women members to contest from three constituencies. The 1979 parliament election report indicates that only nine parties put up thirteen women candidates to contest in general seats. Besides, four more women candidates contested for general seats as independent. But none could come out.

 

In the 1979 election there were two qualitative changes. Firstly, two seats in the by-election were won by women and secondly, 15 reserved seats were increased to 30. Women candidates' credibility was enhanced during the 1986 election. For the first time major political parties nominated 20 women candidates to contest in the general seats. Thus women's participation in the electoral politics increased from 0.9% (in 1979) to 1.3%. But it should be mentioned that most of the candidates came from rich, educated and well-connected families and they had relationship with party stalwarts.

 

In the election of 1991, women constituted 1.5 percent of the total candidates. More than 40 women candidates fought from different constituencies but only 8 were elected and after by-election the number of women seats came down to 4. Women candidates in 1996 election were 36 (1.39%) and after by-election the number of women seats stood at 7 in the Parliament. Women were elected in 11 seats. In 2001 election, 37 women contested in 48 constituencies and of them 6 were elected as member of the Parliament.

 

There are however 45 reserved seats in the parliament for women according to the 14th amendment to the Constitution. These seats are to be divided among the political parties according to the ratio of seats won in the general election.

 

 

At present, Bangladesh has a four-tier local government structure at village, union. Upazilla, and Zia levels and all the four bodies are to be constituted through direct vote of the people. The legal framework introduced recently requires that at each of the four local government, a specified number of women (for example, three in each village, union, and Upazilla bodies) are to be elected directly by the people from reserved seats.

 

According to this process, all local bodies (i.e. Gram Sarkar, Union Parishad, Upazilla Parishad, Zila Parishad, Municipality Corporation, and City Corporation) must have certain number of women members who will contest against other women only in those seats. In the last UP election 1997, 20 women chairmen (out of 102 women candidates) and 110 women members (out of 456 women candidates) of Union Parishads were elected, where contestants included both men and women, in addition to the 12,828 women members elected from reserved seats. Moreover, some 44.527 women candidates competed for the reserved UP seats all over the country and over 75 percent of the women voters cast their vote.

 

In addition, there are 13 UP committees that undertake various development activities and women are to head one third of them and; ire further mandated to head the committee on women's and children's welfare culture and sports. Members and commissioners from reserved seats are to motivate people against the cruelty to women and children, and engage in awareness building regarding gender-based issues and women's development. One third of the members of these standing committees have to be from the reserved seats.

 

Similarly, Municipal Corporations and City Corporations of Bangladesh are also following the same system and for them there is a reserved seat for every three wards for women. The 1997 legislation, at least theoretically, guarantees the one-third representation of women at the electoral level, as well as the functional level, through their involvement in development committees and programs. There is also provision for three women' members for every Upazila Parishad of Bangladesh taking the number of women public representatives to 1,510 in the Upazila level.

 

Besides, there are also at least 119,304 elected women who are the elected members of Gram Sarkars. Thus, the government is trying to involve a vital portion of the population in the development "process who are generally assigned the roles of wives and mothers in most of the developing societies.

 

 

Since the fall of military dictator Ershad in 1990, Bangladesh is governed continuously by women leaderships. Still the number of women participation in various parts of the government is trivial. This is even true for the cabinet of ministers headed by woman premier in the last 15 years. In the first cabinet consisting of 50 members formed in 1972, there were 2 ministers while in 1991 the number was 3. In the Awami League cabinet of 1996 there were 5 wimen ministers while in the last cabinet of BNP-Jamaat Alliance it came down to 2.

 

After the liberation, a quota system was introduced to increase the representation of women in the administration and under which 10 percent of gazetted posts and 15 percent of non-gazetted posts shall be reserved for women. But most of the posts remain vacant due to lack of eligible candidates.

 

 

Thene is only one women in the supreme court and the number of district judge, subjudge and senior as is tan judge constitute only 1% as compared to their male counterparts, Although women are inducted in to the police force the number is negligible.  

 

 

• In 1999. 409f of employed adults (10 years and over) were women working mainly in the agricultural sector, where as men dominated all other employment sectors (ILO).

 

• Between 1990/1991 and 1995/1996. The annual growth rate by major employment sector shows that, compared to the others, the sales sector employed the largest number of females (51.1%), (ADB).

 

• Women work mainly in the service sector, and the difference between   the formal   and informal sectors   is marked   in   the agricultural   sector,   where  women's  work   is  rather  informal (Mahbubul Haq. Human Development Center.) Agriculture is also    overwhelmed    by    unpaid    family    workers    who    are disproportionately represented by women (ADB).

 

• There are over 1,000 local and national organizations generating self-employment opportunities for over 8 million poor, mostly women, through activities related to micro-credit and training in literacy, technical skills and legal rights (ADB).

 

• The proportion of administrative and managerial positions held by women has increased from 1% to 2% between the mid 1980s and mid 1990s; however, in spite of this increase the number of women is still very low.

 

 

Eva Rathgeber (1990) outlines the general frameworks that have guided most development researchers and practitioners to date, illustrating how powerfully and pervasively certain theoretical perspectives tend to shape scholarly and practical work. She identifies three distinct theoretical paths in the field: 

 

1) Women in Development (WID) 

2) Women and Development (WAD) 

3) Gender and Development (GAD)  

 

Changing Perspectives on Women, Gender and Development 

 

Origins Women in Development (WID) Early 1970s after the publication of Ester Boserup’s book Women’s Role in Economic Development. Term WID articulated by American liberal feminists.  Women and Development (WAD) Emerged from a critique of the modernization theory and the WID approach in the second half of the 1970s.  Gender and Development (GAD) As an alternative to the WID focus this approach developed in 1980s 

 

Theoretical base Linked with the modernization theory of the 1950s to 1970s. By the 1970s it was realized that benefits of modernization bad some how not reached women, and in some sectors undermined their existing position. Draws from the dependency theory. Influenced by socialist feminist thinking.

 

Focus Need to integrate women in economic systems, through necessary legal and administrative changes. 

 

Women’s productive role emphasized. Strategies to be developed to minimize disadvantages of women in the productive sector. Women have always been part of development processes-therefore Integrating women in development is a myth. 

 

Focuses on relationship between women and development processes. Offers a holistic perspective looking at all aspects of women’s lives. It questions the basis of assigning specific gender roles to different sexes.

 

Contribution Women’s questions became visible in the arena of development theory and practice. Accepts women as important economic actors in their societies, 

 

Women’s work in the public and private domain is central to the maintenance of their societal structures. Looks at the nature of integration of Does not exclusively emphasize female solidarity welcomes contributions of sensitive men. 

 

Recognizes women’s contribution inside and outside the household, including non-commodity production.    

 

Contribution (cont.) women in development which sustains existing international structures of inequality

 

Features WID was solidly in traditional modernization theory which assumed in the process of development. 

 

It accepted existing social structures is did not question the sources of women’s subordination and oppression. 

 

Non-confrontational approach.  

 

It did not question why women had not benefited from development strategies. 

 

It treated women as an undifferentiated category overlooking the influence of class, race and culture. 

 

Focused exclusively on productive aspects of women’s work, ignoring minimizing the reproductive side of women’s lives. Fails to analyses the relationship between patriarchy, differing modes of production and women’s subordination and oppression.

 

Discourages a strict analytical focus on the problems of women independent of those of men since both sexes are seen to be disadvantaged with oppressive global structure based on class and capital. 

 

Singular preoccupation with women’s productive role at the expense of the reproductive side of women’s work and lives. 

 

Assumes that once international structures become more equitable, women’s position would improve 

 

WAD doesn’t question the relations between gender roles. GAD rejects the public/dichotomy.

 

It gives special attention to oppression of women in the family by entering the so called ‘private sphere’. It emphasizes the state’s duty to provide social services in promoting women’s emancipation. 

 

Women seen as agents of change rather than as passive recipients of development assistance. 

 

Stresses the need for women to organize themselves for a more effective political voice. Recognizes that patriarchy operates within and across classes to oppress women. Focuses on strengthening women’s legal, including the reform of inheritance and land laws. It talks in terms of upsetting the existing power relation in society between men and women.   

 

Source: Adapted by Suneeta Dhar and Aanchal Kapur, Kriti Newsletter, 1, 1992-3, from Eva M. Rathgeber (1990). 

 

 

(l) The focus in gender and development is not on women per se but on gender relations, i.e. the relations between women and men in a variety of settings. Many of these are what sociologists call ascribed relations, that is relations a person is involved in on the basis of their position in a network of kinship and affinity (i.e. rela¬tions by birth and through marriage); many of them are also achieved relations, that is relations established on the basis of a person's involvement in the economic, social or political life of her country. Both ascribed and achieved relations interlock with a matrix of other relations based on factors such as class, race, ethnicity, religion etc.

 

(2) The approach views women as active agents and not passive recip¬ients of 'development' but does not assume that women have perfect knowledge or understanding of their social situation. That is to say it assumes that while women as individuals may well be aware of their subordinate position, this does not necessarily lead to an understanding of the structural roots of discrimination and subordination. As a corollary of this, the approach does not assume that men in their turn are aware of the social bases of male domi¬nance, or that all men act actively to promote male dominance.

 

The GAD approach does not assume that women are in some way unquestionably or unassailably right in all forms of behaviours, in all their aims or objectives. It does not assume that men are invariably wrongheaded or wicked. It does assume that male privi¬lege makes most men unlikely to ally themselves to the cause of women's advancement without powerful persuasion.

 

(3) The approach starts from a holistic perspective. That is, it looks at the totality of social organization, economic and political life in order to understand the shaping of particular aspects of society. As a result it does not focus merely on the reproductive aspect of social life-i.e. motherhood/child caring-when trying to understand the particular patterning of women's lives. Nor does it focus solely on production and the distribution of goods and services made or produced in specialized work units like factories or hospitals when attempting to analyse the economic underpinning of social life.

 

Rather it focuses on the 'fit' between family, household or the domestic life and the organization of both political and economic spheres. For example from a gender perspective, the structure of the working day in the sphere of production is only intelligible if the existence of the domestic sphere is taken as a given.

 

(4) Development is viewed as a complex process involving the social, economic, political and cultural betterment of individuals and of society itself. Betterment in this sense means the ability of the society and its members to meet the physical, emotional and creative needs of the population at a historically acceptable level. In examining the impact of economic development (planned or unplanned) on any particular society or group within a society, proponents of the gender and development approach ask the question: who benefits, who loses, what trade-offs have been made, [and] what is the resul¬tant balance of rights and obligations, power and privilege between men and women, and between given social groups.

 

(5) The gender and development approach does not consider welfare, anti-poverty or equity approaches as three opposed alternatives. Rather it accepts that the welfare and anti-poverty approaches are often necessary preconditions for equity. The critical consideration then becomes: how to subvert welfare for equity. This of course raises a number of questions as to whether relying on fighting for reforms is sufficient or whether radical social change is imperative. Whichever choice is made necessarily throws up a whole series of other decisions and choices which themselves are necessarily shaped by the particular historical and geo-political situation.

 

(6) Strategies: WID concentrates on women's access to cash income (usually via the market), either as individuals or members of some form of collectivity, as the base strategy. GAD is much less opti¬mistic about the role of the market as distributor of benefit, and the power that stems from having 'cash in hand'. WID puts emphasis on the need for women to be organized into collective groupings (cooperatives etc.) particularly for productive purposes so as to increase their bargaining power in the economic system. For example, women organized in a group often get better access to credit since the group provides a better security risk for lenders. GAD also stresses the need for organization but more in terms of women's self-organization so as to increase their political power within the economic system.

 

Unlike WID, GAD places equal emphasis on the necessary role of the state in promoting women's emancipation. It points to the dual role of the state in most developing countries as an employer of labor (often the biggest) and allocator of social capital to socially necessary ends. It underlines the duty of the state to provide social capital for the care and maintenance of the future generation, i.e. the role of social expendi¬ture—education, health and training—in providing the conditions for future economic growth. In so doing it implicitly rejects the view that produc¬ing (physically as well as socially) the future generation is entirely the concern of individuals, for the view that it is a social matter. Support is sought at all levels of the state—local, regional, central—rather than [from] central government alone. This strategy has to confront the fact that women are politically weak and have little bargaining power at the national, regional or even local level. [GAD] requires that strategies must go beyond concerns with economic self-sufficiency to the need for polit¬ical self-reliance.

 

GAD also looks to the role of local communities to provide support for women and in some ways sees organization of women at this level as the precursor of organization at higher levels. Since women are frequently impeded from organizing even at this level because of constraints located at the level of the family, GAD has to include consideration of the bases of support for women's emancipation within families and kinship groups, as well as of resistance to it. In this area contradictions between the interests of men and women are often not as critical as those between the generations.

 

Given that GAD assumes that political and economic power are closely enmeshed, the first step in women's advancement is to provide the conditions for men and women to surmount poverty. But the main constraint here is that the poor are rarely able to tackle the conditions which create their poverty in the first place—these are usually well beyond their reach. As a result the GAD approach would stress attempt- ing to build into welfare or basic needs programmes an element of consciousness-raising. Welfare in this sense is seen as a means not an end. The consciousness-raising has to encompass not only the nature of the structures creating poverty for some and wealth for others, the mal¬distribution of social wealth and capital, the unbalanced distribution of political power, but also the structures of inequality between men and women which weaken both in their common struggle for survival and for betterment. Such work has to include the importance of organizing, of creating alliances and coalitions, of exerting influence, of communica¬tion and public education. In other words every attempt has to be made to create the political will in the country which will enable welfare to be subverted for equity and reform for radical restructuring.

 

 

We consider Gender And Development (GAD) theory in preparing our study because there are some similarities between those (GAD and our study).

 

In GAD assumes that women are active agent and not passive recipients of development, but doer not assume that women have perfect knowledge or understanding of their social situation. Similarly in our research, the data says that most of women do not know about their rights.

 

There are various point included in Kate Young theory. But the point number 3 “which views gender and women from a holistic perspective that is it looks at the totality of women’s participation in every aspects whether it is productive and non productive” is the vital point for our discussion because in our research we consider these- women who works in different profession also the nature of obstacles.

 

Though this theory was developed in 1980s but yet now this theory is implacable in modern age. As GAD holds that women are politically weak and have little bargaining power at national, regional and local level, so government should take necessary measurement to make women self sufficient by involving women in work and remove the obstacles women are faced in their workplace.

 

 

Depending on the nature and objectives of this study we are used qualitative data collection techniques. Data collection techniques enable us to systematically collect information about our objects of study and about the setting in which they occur. In the collection of data we are used primary data-those which are originated from primary original inquiry and required field investigation analysis. We are also used secondary data-those which are collected by someone etc and/ or published by any organization for their own purpose, books, journals, which helped us to prepared and also coming up with final reports. Both primary and secondary data are used in the study for planning, monitoring and evaluation purpose. In this study we are used two variables- (i) Dependent variables and (ii) Independent variables. Here, the dependent variable includes the professional activities of women’s includes the professional environment career development opportunity participation in decision-making. For conducting completing this study we are collect data some quesitonnaire which based on those variables. 

 

 

The limitation of research means the obstacle in the completing research properly. To complete our research we are faced few problems. Some limitations occurred as follows:

 

i. Lack of available information and statistics in this regard

ii. Lack of complete knowledge and experience about research

iii. Non-cooperation of few respondent

iv. Update information are not available

v. Sometimes respondent are not give the specific answer of the questionnaire. 

vi. Lack of available time. 

 

 

In our study we are mainly focused that the following criteria-

 

• Problems of Women in Professional Activities

• Participation Decision-making

• Career Development Opportunity

• Professional Environment

 

Now we are discussed the above criteria-

 

 

i) Working hour: It is depicted and a bloomed from the collected data, that the 9-10 hours is to be down for a magistrate; and 7 h for primary I high schools teachers; 8-9 h for government bank where 11h for non-government bank average 9 h for doctors; 6hs for the member of Union Parisad, the appronemate daily time of NGO workers use minimum ½ hours; 9-10 hs for labour; 12 hs are to do for the worker of silk industry: 

 

There, workers or members of different industry or public or private sectors, concentration are being declined in the consequences of their prolonged or long term working movement in their daily duties. On the basis of this point of view, they can’t able to take a enough times for his/ her family and sociology. For this reason, they can’t able to shown or visualized their paramount abilities to complete the work vigorously. Consequently, their work or duties is not feminized as satisfactory scale. 

 

Working hour is depicted by the following chart-

 

ii) Income level: In the common phase, it is shown that women workers could not earn or get the equal income of the male participators. Although their income level have got as a equal scale. 

 

It is got from the held observation that the female magistrate can’t earn the equal income as her male many of the doctors; have shown, they can able to lake or maintain the equilibrium struts of their male college’s income and vise-versa. The same sensrios for the teachers, day-workers/ labours, up members, silk industries, but NGO workers and Bankers to catch their equal time of income.

 

iii) Behavioral Discrimination: Have got from survey, in most cases, that the female workers are being discriminated of the behavior of their upmost authorless. It is the assume/ anticipation of higher authorities that men are enclosed to do a work vigorously than women. So, authority to given the priority or differently exalted the male worker to choose or in a selection. 

 

Nonetheless, Doctors, Bankers, NGO workers, teachers, they are not victimized of any types of Behavioral discrimination on the other hand, the different facts are occurred in the up members point, they Can’t to take the opportunities for development in a local belt, fatly they are discriminated finally. 

 

iv) Training Period: From the informed data, in the training period, different types of problems are to be based for female workers in their proposed duties. On the other side, magistrate, NGO’s workers Bankers, silk industry’s worker who are not to be faced in a obstacle of their +++ of duties. In the case of the teachers are to face a lot of problems like they have to be attend in a different training section but University teachers, they have no such types of barriers to ace/ in their duties. Parishad’s members, who can’t able to understand for paucity his/her knowledge/education in their training process. It is a problem for doctors that to spend with a prolong time span in their banning schedule. In the another case. There have no training section for labor, In fine, they one to be introduced with a lot of problems like they can’t able to do a work as a skilled. 

 

 

From the given information, it is shown that, in the taking decision whose are settled in a uperpest their speech are evaluated only. Other side who are worker in a labor phase, they have no opportunity to participate in a such types of works. But such institution like NGO, Educational Institution to create a opportunities for women that why they are exalted. 

 

 

In the case of changing of ranking women are to be faced problems too. It is shown the from the manufacture information that the development of ranking of doctors and University teachers is being occurred with paper/due time and depends of their knowledge skills and prefacing as well as seniority, there have no career sunk change for the worker of silk industry, labor, up members. 

 

 

In many cases, the working environment for women are introduced as obstetrics, shown from the data, the working environment as a obstetrics from the upper to toner stage of involved women like there have no loitet facilities for female magistrate inspire of 1st class gladiate officer for this reason they can’t feel comfort in the working slutis. NGO workers, labors, UP members they are not happy with their working atmosphere. Inside the silk industry. They worker are satisfied with their environment because there have a child rare facilities also. In the matter of doctors, they enjoy their duties in their professional life. 

 

 

Without above fact, the following statements are given from the collected data:

 

• The most cases the women can give the co-operation from male colleague but male participations are not given expended co-operation from female workers. 

 

• In the most sectors they leave is needed and have the opportunity of maternity leave that are designed as period of four months. 

 

• In the present market value, they are not happy with their salary.

 

• Only, doctors are happy in their processional works totally. There have as creation of gap between worker and family in case for spending more time in their daily activities, consequently without doctors, who are not sates feed for their professionalism. 

 

 

National Policy for the Development of Women: In March 1997 the Bangladesh Government declared the National Policy for Development of Women. The objectives of the National Policy are comprehensive in scope and rest en the basic commitment to develop women as a human resource, establish- women's human rights, eliminate all forms of discrimination against women and girls and to recognize women's contribution in the social and economic spheres. 

 

To use women’s ability fully in professional activities, we have to modernize our social framework including legal framework. Some suggestions can be suggested in this respect. Such as

 

1. To eliminate all sorts of discrimination against women

2. To motivate women for greater participation in professional life

3. To increase women’s participation as a decision maker

4. To expand more training facilities to women

5. To encourage them to be self-employed, loan facilities should be increased to achieve this target.

6. To ensure more jobs for women. Some sectors can be specialized for women

7. Enact and enforce laws guaranteeing women’s equal right to equal pay

8. Support provision of child care

9. To promote gender balance is all financial institutions

10. Contribute to family facilities for employees

11. To create public consciousness. NGOs and press can play and vital role in this respect.

 

 

Through some limitations are existing to involve women in participation of various professional activities, we cannot deny that a radical change has taken place during the last few years. If we can use women’s skills, no doubt, our country will go ahead competing with the world in this era of globalization. So, we should ensure the best use of human resource which obviously includes women. But effective equality is far from being a reality. Women are still marginalized in political and public life. If sustainable progress is to be achieved, women’s status must be improved, their rights must be respected and their contributions must be recognized. 

 

A women can help in development process in three ways. Firstly, a women is a mother, and as a mother she is a producer and builder of new generation. Secondly, she is a housewife and as a housewife her duties are very important. But, the third rote of a women, as a worker, has not been recognized like first two roles. But it is no less important at all. A women can contribute significantly to development as an worker and decision maker. They have proved their skill as a leader, administrator, lawyer, worker etc. Women’s status has been changed positively in the course of time. Now, they are performing in every sector with firm confidence. In our country their position has also been changed. Their participation has been increased both in the formal and non-formal sectors. Participation of women in work force is 67% in rural areas and 27% in urban areas. [World Bank’s Report 1995-96]. In various developed countries like China and Japan women are working all the day and contributing a major portion to GDP. In Bangladesh, most of the garments involve women and this sector is contributing 90% on female employment. A large number of women are working in many other industries i.e. textile, garments etc. Besides women are now performing well is many other recognized professions, such as, law, Engineering, medical science, banking teaching etc.

 

Participating in the politics women’s are now changed from housewives to policy makers. In Bangladesh, two main leaders are women and in the parliament women’s portion is not dissatisfactory. A separate ministry for women has been created in 1989. Besides, the Department of women’s Affairs has been established as the principle field office of the Ministry of women Affairs. National women organization “Bangladesh Jatiya Mahila Sangstha” was established in 1976 and nationalized in 1991. To ensure economic development of our country involvement of women in development process is a must, which is quite impossible without the participation of women in professional activities. Not only to achieve economic prosperity but also to ensure social and political development and peace, participation of women is very important. Government has taken step to spread women’s participation in professional activities all over the country.    

 

 

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